Forces Engaged: 9th and 20th New York regiments (est. 2,000) [US]; Hatteras Island Garrison (900) [CS]
Estimated Casualties: 715 total (US 3; CS 712)*
Result(s): Union victory
NC Outer Banks
North Carolina Coast: A Civil War History
Description: The blockade of North Carolina's coast, which included the action of Hatteras Inlet, was a strategic objective in Gen. Winfield Scott's Anaconda Plan. On August 26, an amphibious expedition led by Maj. Gen. Benjamin Butler and Flag-Officer Silas Stringham, embarked from Fort Monroe to capture Hatteras Inlet, an important haven for blockade-runners. On the 28th, while the navy bombarded forts Clark and Hatteras, Union troops came ashore and attacked the rear of the Confederate batteries. On August 29, Col. William F. Martin surrendered the Confederate garrison of 670. The Federals lost only one man. Butler next returned to Fort Monroe, leaving the captured forts garrisoned. This movement was part of Union efforts to seize coastal enclaves from which to enforce the blockade. During World War II, because of the numerous allied ships sunk by German U-boats, the waters off Cape Hatteras became known as Torpedo Alley.
Background: The North Carolina Sounds occupy most of the coast from Point Lookout to the Virginia border. With their eastern borders marked by the Outer Banks, they were almost ideally located for raiding Northern maritime commerce. Cape Hatteras, the easternmost point in the Confederacy, is within sight of the Gulf Stream. Ships in the Caribbean trade would reduce the time of their homeward journeys to New York, Philadelphia, or Boston by riding the stream to the north. Raiders, either privateers or state-owned vessels, could lie inside, protected from both the weather and from Yankee blockaders, until an undefended victim appeared. Watchers stationed at the Hatteras lighthouse would then signal a raider, which would dash out and make a capture, often being able to return the same day.
To protect the raiders from Federal reprisal, the state of North Carolina, immediately after seceding from the Union, established forts at the inlets, the waterways that allowed entrance to and egress from the sounds. In 1861, only four inlets were deep enough for ocean-going vessels to pass: Beaufort, Ocracoke, Hatteras, and Oregon Inlets. Two forts, Hatteras and Clark, were built on Hatteras Inlet because it was considered the most important. Fort Hatteras was sited adjacent to the inlet, on the sound side of Hatteras Island. Fort Clark was about half a mile to the southeast, closer to the Atlantic Ocean. The forts were improperly armed for coastal defense, however. Fort Hatteras had only ten guns mounted by the end of August, with another five guns in the fort but not mounted. Fort Clark had only five. Furthermore, most of the guns were rather light 32-pounders or smaller, of limited range and inadequate for coastal defense.
Battle of Fort Hatteras Civil War History
Battle of Hatteras Inlet
Battle of Hatteras Inlet History
Burnside Expedition and Hatteras Inlet
The personnel problem was even worse. North Carolina had raised and equipped 22 infantry regiments to serve in the war, but 16 of these had been drawn off for the campaigns in Virginia. The six regiments remaining were responsible for the defense of the entire North Carolina coastline. Only a fraction of one regiment, the 7th North Carolina Volunteers, occupied the two forts at Hatteras Inlet. The other forts were likewise undermanned. Fewer than a thousand men garrisoned forts Ocracoke, Hatteras, Clark, and Oregon. Reinforcements, if needed, would have to come from as far away as Beaufort.
Strangely, the military authorities in North Carolina did little to keep the poor state of their defenses secret. Several Yankee captains, victims of either capture or shipwreck, were loosely detained at or near Hatteras Island while awaiting return to their homes. They were allowed virtually free access to the forts, and made mental notes of everything. When they returned to the North, at least two of them gave full and valuable descriptions to the Navy Department.
The depredations on Northern commerce emanating from Hatteras Inlet could not pass unnoticed. Insurance underwriters pressured Union Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles for remedy. Welles needed no prodding. He already had on his desk a report from the Blockade Strategy Board suggesting a way to perfect the blockade of the North Carolina coast. The board recommended that the coast be rendered useless to the South by sinking old ballast-laden ships in the inlets to "block them up." (Their reports also contained a statement that is easily overlooked: "These plans may undergo some modification in the hands of the person to whom their execution shall be intrusted.")
Soon after he received the board's report, Secretary Welles began to implement its recommendation. He ordered Commander H. S. Stellwagen to go to the Chesapeake Bay to buy some suitable old hulks. At the same time, he was told to report his activities to Flag Officer Silas H. Stringham, commandant of the Atlantic Blockading Squadron. As such, he was the naval officer in charge of the blockade of the North Carolina coast. This was the first involvement of Stringham with what was to become the attack at Hatteras Inlet.
Battle of Hatteras Inlet History
North Carolina Civil War Battlefields
Stringham opposed the plan to block the inlets from the beginning. He believed that the tidal currents would either sweep the impediments away or would rapidly scour new channels. He further believed that the Rebels could not be denied access to the sounds unless the inlets were actually held by the Union. The Federals would have to take the fight to Hatteras. The objective was to silence the guns and capture the forts, and it would require a joint Union Army and Navy command.
Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, who was deemed by some as incompetent, was to assemble a force of some 800 men for the expedition. He soon had 880: 500 from the German-speaking 20th New York Volunteers, 220 from the 9th New York Volunteers, 100 from the U.S. Revenue Cutter Service (99th New York Volunteers), and 20 soldiers from the 2nd U.S. Artillery. The men were deployed to vessels Adelaide and George Peabody. When objection was made that the two ships would not be able to survive a Hatteras storm, Stellwagen pointed out that the expedition could proceed only in fair weather anyway because a storm would prevent any amphibious assault.
Meanwhile, while Butler was gathering his forces, Flag Officer Stringham was also making preparations. Stringham learned that the War Department had issued orders to Butler's superior, Major General John E. Wool, with the statement, "The expedition originated in the Navy Department, and is under its control." Reasoning that he would be blamed if anything went wrong, he seized the initiative and selected seven warships for the expedition: USS Minnesota, USS Cumberland, USS Susquehanna, USS Wabash, USS Pawnee, USS Monticello, and USRC Harriet Lane. With the exception of USRC Harriet Lane, the ships belonged to the U.S. Navy. He also included in his force the tug Fanny, which was needed to tow some of the surf boats that would be used for the landing.
On August 26, 1861, the flotilla, less Susquehanna and Cumberland, departed Hampton Roads and moved down the coast to the vicinity of Cape Hatteras. En route, they were joined by the Cumberland. They swung around the Cape on August 27 and anchored near the inlet, in full view of the defenders there. Colonel William F. Martin of the 7th North Carolina Infantry, commanding forts Hatteras and Clark, knew that his 580 or so men would need help, so he called for reinforcements from forts Ocracoke and Oregon. Unfortunately, communication among the forts was slow, and the first reinforcements did not arrive until late the next day.
NC Coastal Defenses and the Outer Banks
Battle of Hatteras Inlet Batteries. Courtesy Microsoft TerraServer.
North Carolina Coast and the Civil War
Battle of Forts Clark and Hatteras
1Update to the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission Report.
Battle: The Battle of Hatteras Inlet Batteries, part of the Federal Navy's Blockade of the Carolina Coast from August to December 1861, was the initial Union sea and land assault against the North Carolina coast. The Blockade would be followed-up with Burnside's North Carolina Expedition from February to June 1862.
The fight at Hatteras was a relatively small but significant engagement in the early days of the Civil War. Two Confederate forts on the North Carolina Outer Banks were subjected to an amphibious assault by Union forces that began on August 28, 1861. The ill-equipped and undermanned forts were forced to endure bombardment by seven Union warships, to which they were unable to reply. Although casualties were light, the defenders chose not to continue the one-sided contest, and on the second day they surrendered. As immediate results of the battle, Confederate interference with Northern maritime commerce was considerably reduced, while the Union blockade of Southern ports was extended. More importantly, the Federals gained entry into the North Carolina sounds. Several North Carolina cities (New Bern, Washington, Elizabeth City, and Edenton among them) were directly threatened. In addition, the sounds were a back door to the Confederate-held parts of Tidewater Virginia, particularly Norfolk.
First Day: Early on the morning of August 28, USS Minnesota, USS Wabash, and USS Cumberland began to bombard Fort Clark, while the lighter warships accompanied the transports to a point about three miles to the east, where the troops began disembarking. Stringham kept his ships moving in a loop, with Wabash towing Cumberland. About 11:00 a.m., USS Susquehanna "made her number" and joined in. The ships would deliver their broadsides against the fort, move back out of range to reload, and then come back in to fire again. By remaining in motion, they did not let the artillerymen in the fort correct their aim between shots, and thereby negated much of the traditional advantage of shore-based guns over those on ships. This tactic had been used previously by the British and French at the siege of Sevastopol in the Crimean War, but this was the first time it was used by the US Navy.
The return fire from Fort Clark was ineffectual, either falling short or passing overhead, and no hits were made on the bombarding ships. Shortly after noon, the defenders ran low on ammunition, and about 12:25 p.m. they ran out completely. At this point, they abandoned the fort, some fleeing to Fort Hatteras, while others took to boats. Col. Max Weber, commanding the Federal troops already on shore, noted this and moved some men in to take possession, but the fleet was unaware of the movement and continued firing for another five minutes. It was during this interval of confusion that the landing force suffered its only casualty, one of the soldiers being seriously wounded in the hand by a shell fragment. Fortunately, some of the troops were able to contact the gunners on the ships by waving a large American flag, and the bombardment stopped with no further casualties. Stringham and his captains then turned their full attention to Fort Hatteras.
Meanwhile, the landings were not going well. Only about a third of the troops were ashore when rising winds produced surf that swamped and overturned the landing boats, and General Butler had to suspend further attempts to land. Colonel Weber found that he had only 318 men with him. The number included 102 from his own regiment, the 20th New York, but also 68 from the 9th New York, 28 from the Revenue Service, 45 artillerymen, 45 marines, and 28 sailors who could man heavy guns. With a couple of field pieces that they had managed to wrestle ashore through the surf, they could reasonably well defend themselves against a Confederate counterattack, but they were too weak to mount an attack on Fort Hatteras.
Civil War Battle of Hatteras Inlet Batteries
Civil War Battle of Fort Hatteras, North Carolina
At Fort Hatteras, Stringham kept his ships moving as he had done at Fort Clark. The Confederates tried to conserve their ammunition by firing only sporadically, so Stringham thought that perhaps the fort had been abandoned. (No flag was flying. Before the battle, the old flag had been reduced to tatters, and was never replaced.) He sent Monticello into the inlet to sound it out, but then the fort came again to life. The ship grounded while trying to extricate herself, and in this condition she was struck by five shots. None of these did any permanent damage, although a couple of sailors received minor wounds.
As the day came to a close, the fleet withdrew in the face of threatening weather, the exhausted defenders looked for reinforcements, and the Federal troops ashore went to sleep without rations, with water running low, and dreading the reinforcements that their opponents hoped for.
After sunset, reinforcements began to arrive at the fort. The gunboat CSS Warren Winslow brought in some of the garrison from Fort Ocracoke, and some of the sailors also stayed to help man the guns. This brought the number of men in the fort up to more than 700, with more expected from New Bern. Accompanying the additional troops was Flag Officer Samuel Barron, commanding the coast defenses of North Carolina and Virginia. Colonel Martin, pleading exhaustion, requested Barron to assume command. He did so, still believing that with the additional troops from New Bern they would be able to retake Fort Clark.
Second Day: Dawn of the second day dashed the hopes of the defenders. While the weather moderated enough so that the Union fleet could return and resume its bombardment, it was also able to drive off the transport bringing reinforcements. (One ship was able to reach the fort, but rather than bringing in more troops she carried away some of the wounded.) The fleet initially kept in motion, but they soon found that they were out of range of the guns in the fort. Next, the ships did not alter their positions, but poured their fire into the fort with no danger of reply. There was nothing the men in the forts could do except endure. After about three hours, Barron called a council of the officers, and they decided to seek terms, even though casualties had been quite light. (The actual numbers of dead and wounded remain unknown. Conflicting reports placed the number of dead from four to seven and the wounded from 20 to 45.) Shortly after 11:00 a.m., the white flag was raised. Butler insisted upon surrender, which Barron agreed to. The battle came to a close, and the surrendered Confederates were sent to prisoner-of-war camps. The list of prisoners had 691 names, including those wounded but not evacuated.
Union Order of Battle
Department of Virginia, Major General Benjamin F. Butler
9th New York Infantry Regiment, Colonel Rush Hawkins (220 men)
20th New York Infantry Regiment, Colonel Max Weber (500 men)
99th New York Infantry Regiment ("U.S. Revenue Service"), Capt. William Nixon (100 men)
Detachment, U.S. 2nd Artillery, Lt. Frank H. Larned (60 men)
Detachments of sailors and marines from the fleet
Atlantic Blockading Squadron, Flag Officer Silas H. Stringham
U.S.S. Monticello
U.S.S. Harriet Lane
U.S.S. Minnesota
U.S.S. Wabash
U.S.S. Susquehanna
U.S.S. Cumberland
U.S.S. Pawnee
U.S.S. Fanny
Confederate Oder of Battle
17th North Carolina Infantry Regiment (1st Organization) - Colonel William F. Martin
Forts Hatteras & Clark - Colonel Andrews
Unspecified naval volunteers, including Flag Officer Samuel Barron
Aftermath: The battle was significant for several reasons: Following the embarrassment of the Battle of First Bull Run (or First Manassas), July 21, 1861, it was the first notable Union victory of the war. It was also the first application of the naval blockading strategy. As an amphibious operation, it was the first use of joint Union Army and Navy units during the conflict. The Federal ships successfully bombarded the forts while moving and cruising along the coast, making it too difficult for the shore-based batteries to score a direct hit.
Butler and Stringham left immediately after the battle, the former to Washington and the latter accompanying the prisoners to New York. Critics argued that each was trying to gather credit for the victory to himself. The pair contended, however, that they were trying to persuade the administration to abandon the original plan to block up Hatteras Inlet. In Federal hands it was no longer useful to the Confederacy, and in fact now allowed Union forces to pursue raiders into the sounds. Although they and their supporters continued to press the case for several weeks, it seems to have been unnecessary. The War and Navy Departments had already decided to retain possession of the inlet, which would be used as the entry point of an amphibious expedition against the North Carolina mainland early the next year. This campaign, known as Burnside's North Carolina Expedition, would completely remove the sounds as sources of commerce-raiding activity.
Continued Federal possession of Hatteras Inlet was considerably aided by Confederate authorities, who had decided to abandon Ocracoke and Oregon batteries believing they were indefensible. Stingham's tactic of keeping his ships in motion while bombarding forts was used later by Flag Officer Samuel Francis Du Pont at Port Royal, South Carolina. The effectiveness of the practice led to a reconsideration of the value of forts against naval gunnery. See also North Carolina Coast and the American Civil War.
*Depending on the source, casualty figures vary slightly.
(References listed at bottom of page.)
Recommended Reading: The Civil War on the Outer Banks: A History of the Late Rebellion Along the Coast of North Carolina from Carteret to Currituck With Comments on Prewar Conditions and an Account of (251 pages). Description: The ports at Beaufort, Wilmington, New Bern and Ocracoke, part of the Outer Banks (a chain of barrier islands that sweeps down the North Carolina coast from the Virginia Capes to Oregon Inlet), were strategically vital for the import of war materiel and the export of cash producing crops. From official records, contemporary newspaper accounts, personal journals of the soldiers, and many unpublished manuscripts and memoirs, this is a full accounting of the Civil War along the North Carolina coast.
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Advance to:
United States Revenue Cutter Harriet Lane: Engagement at Hatteras Inlet
North Carolina: Cape Hatteras Map
North Carolina Coast and the American Civil War
North Carolina and the Confederate States Navy
U.S. Navy and Union Naval Operations in North Carolina
American Civil War: Union and Confederate Navies
Anaconda Plan: United States Naval Plan of Divide and Conquer
Recommended Reading: Portrait of the Past : The Civil War on Hatteras Island North Carolina (Portrait of the Past) (Hardcover). Description: Hatteras Island has achieved a well-deserved reputation as a summer getaway and a wildlife refuge on North Carolina's coast. However, most visitors are unaware of the crucial role that Hatteras played in the Civil War. The book offers a new view of Hatteras's history, interweaving historical facts, archival drawings, and current photography of how the island looks today. In addition, the book reveals the largely unknown journals of Edwin Graves Champney, a Union soldier who was stationed on Hatteras from 1862 to 1863. Continued below…
Champney's prose and artistic talents, along with the quotes of soldier Charles F. Johnson of the Ninth New York, shed new light on the experiences of Civil War soldiers stationed on the Outer Banks during that time. It follows the crucial maritime battles along the Outer Banks and the famous Burnside Expedition. This is a fascinating history of how one of America's most treasured islands played a significant part in the Civil War and is a must for any reader. About the Author: Author: Drew Pullen is a graduate of Houghton College and a former history teacher. He currently manages the Hatteras and Ocracoke offices of the East Carolina Bank. As an amateur historian, he has written several articles on the Civil War for local newspapers. His wife Jo Anne is from a local Hatteras family and her great-great grandfather was stationed at Fort Hatteras during the Civil War. Drew continues to research Civil War action in eastern North Carolina for future books.
Recommended Reading: The Civil War in Coastal North Carolina (175 pages) (North Carolina Division of Archives and History). Description: From the drama of blockade-running to graphic descriptions of battles on the state's islands and sounds, this book portrays the explosive events that took place in North Carolina's coastal region during the Civil War. Topics discussed include the strategic importance of coastal North Carolina, Federal occupation of coastal areas, blockade-running, and the impact of war on civilians along the Tar Heel coast.
Recommended Reading: Ironclads and Columbiads: The Coast (The Civil War in North Carolina) (456 pages). Description: Ironclads and Columbiads covers some of the most important battles and campaigns in the state. In January 1862, Union forces began in earnest to occupy crucial points on the North Carolina coast. Within six months, Union army and naval forces effectively controlled coastal North Carolina from the Virginia line south to present-day Morehead City. Union setbacks in Virginia, however, led to the withdrawal of many federal soldiers from North Carolina, leaving only enough Union troops to hold a few coastal strongholds—the vital ports and railroad junctions. The South during the Civil War, moreover, hotly contested the North’s ability to maintain its grip on these key coastal strongholds.
Recommended Reading: Storm over Carolina: The Confederate Navy's Struggle for Eastern North Carolina. Description: The struggle for control of the eastern waters of North Carolina during the War Between the States was a bitter, painful, and sometimes humiliating one for the Confederate navy. No better example exists of the classic adage, "Too little, too late." Burdened by the lack of adequate warships, construction facilities, and even ammunition, the South's naval arm fought bravely and even recklessly to stem the tide of the Federal invasion of North Carolina from the raging Atlantic. Storm Over Carolina is the account of the Southern navy's struggle in North Carolina waters and it is a saga of crushing defeats interspersed with moments of brilliant and even spectacular victories. It is also the story of dogged Southern determination and incredible perseverance in the face of overwhelming odds. Continued below...
For most of the Civil War, the navigable portions of the Roanoke, Tar, Neuse, Chowan, and Pasquotank rivers were occupied by Federal forces. The Albemarle and Pamlico sounds, as well as most of the coastal towns and counties, were also under Union control. With the building of the river ironclads, the Confederate navy at last could strike a telling blow against the invaders, but they were slowly overtaken by events elsewhere. With the war grinding to a close, the last Confederate vessel in North Carolina waters was destroyed. William T. Sherman was approaching from the south, Wilmington was lost, and the Confederacy reeled as if from a mortal blow. For the Confederate navy, and even more so for the besieged citizens of eastern North Carolina, these were stormy days indeed. Storm Over Carolina describes their story, their struggle, their history.
Recommended Reading: Gray Raiders of the Sea: How Eight Confederate Warships Destroyed the Union's High Seas Commerce. Reader’s Review: This subject is one of the most fascinating in the history of sea power, and the general public has needed a reliable single-volume reference on it for some time. The story of the eight Confederate privateers and their attempt to bring Union trade to a halt seems to break every rule of common sense. How could so few be so successful against so many? The United States, after Great Britain, had the most valuable and extensive import/export trade in the world by the middle of the 19th century. The British themselves were worried since they were in danger of being surpassed in the same manner that their own sea traders had surpassed the Dutch early in the 18th century. Continued below…
From its founding in 1861, the Confederate States of America realized it had a huge problem since it lacked a navy. It also saw that it couldn't build one, especially after the fall of its biggest port, New Orleans, in 1862. The vast majority of shipbuilders and men with maritime skills lived north of the Mason-Dixon Line, in the United States, and mostly in New England. This put an incredible burden on the Confederate Secretary of the Navy, Stephen R. Mallory. When he saw that most of the enemy navy was being used to blockade the thousands of miles of Confederate coasts, however, he saw an opportunity for the use of privateers. Mallory sent Archibald Bulloch, a Georgian and the future maternal grandfather of Theodore Roosevelt, to England to purchase British-made vessels that the Confederacy could send out to prey on Union merchant ships. Bulloch's long experience with the sea enabled him to buy good ships, including the vessels that became the most feared of the Confederate privateers - the Alabama, the Florida, and the Shenandoah. Matthew Fontaine Maury added the British-built Georgia, and the Confederacy itself launched the Sumter, the Nashville, the Tallahassee, and the Chickamauga - though these were generally not as effective commerce raiders as the first four. This popular history details the history of the eight vessels in question, and gives detailed biographical information on their captains, officers, and crews. The author relates the careers of Raphael Semmes, John Newland Maffitt, Charles Manigault Morris, James Iredell Waddell, Charles W. Read, and others with great enthusiasm. "Gray Raiders" is a great basic introduction to the privateers of the Confederacy. More than eighty black and white illustrations help the reader to visualize their dramatic exploits, and an appendix lists all the captured vessels. I highly recommend it to everyone interested in the Confederacy, and also to all naval and military history lovers.
Sources: Official records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. Series I: 27 volumes. Series II: 3 volumes. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1894-1922; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Series I: 53 volumes. Series II: 8 volumes. Series III: 5 volumes. Series IV: 4 volumes. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1886-1901; Maury, Matthew F., The physical geography of the sea. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1855; Simson, Jay W., Naval Strategies of the Civil War: Confederate Innovations and Federal Opportunism. Nashville: Cumberland House Publishing, 2001; Stick, David, The Outer Banks of North Carolina, 1584–1958. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958; National Park Service.


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News, views, and feedback on my World Chess Championship web site (see links). Any comment about the World Chess Championship is welcome on any post.
24 February 2021
Small Projects for 2021
This year's 'Small Projects' could almost be a carbon copy of last year's post, Small Projects for 2020 (February 2020). The main topics a year ago were:-
- 2017-02-22: Missing Months
- Renewed interest in 1983 for London
- Posts with label Computers
- Posts with label Correspondence
- Posts with label zFLUP
* 2020: Currently 26 posts
* 2021: Currently 33 posts
I made no progress on those first two bullets, so they are still outstanding. As for label 'Computers' and 'Correspondence', there is no significant activity to report in either category. The ICGA cancelled nearly everything in 2020 because of the covid pandemic. The ICCF started one new World Championship, the 32nd, but finished none. It might be worthwhile to write a post about three time ICCF winner Aleksandr Dronov, so I'll keep that in mind.
As for label zFLUP ('Follow-up') the increase from 2020 to 2021 is partly due to posts that were followed-up, but not closed. Add that to the list of small projects.
Another idea that's been in the back of my mind for a few years is to clean up the Index of Zonals. The country codes could be standardized and the columns of counters, 'GMG' etc., could be moved into the background. At the same time I could investigate events that are still marked '?'. There are currently 16 of them.


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Our ultimate guide to carefully-managed business growth
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Amnesty International UK
More Ahmadis killed as government continues to ignore religious violence
13 Nov 2000, 12:00am
'The official silence around the religiously motivated murders on 30 October and the lack of police investigation have directly contributed to a climate in which extremists feel encouraged to harass, attack and kill members of the country's religious minorities,' Amnesty International said today.
As in the case of the earlier attack on village Ghatialian, months of tension over religious issues preceded the latest incident in village Takht Hazara in Sargodha district, Punjab. The local authorities took no action against anti-Ahmadi demonstrations and desecration of Ahmadi graves by orthodox Muslims led by the local mullah. They advised Ahmadis who approached them for help to remain calm but took no protective or preventive measures.
In the early hours of Friday 10 November, the mullah led a mob through the streets shouting anti-Ahmadi slogans. As they approached the Ahmadi mosque, people inside phoned police asking for protection. The mob swelled quickly, broke into the mosque and attacked and killed four Ahmadis, mutilating their bodies with axes. They then ransacked the building and set it on fire. One of the injured persons, a 14-year-old schoolboy, later died of his injuries. The police arrived when the incident was over.
'How many more people have to die for their religion before the Government of Pakistan takes action and clearly and publicly states that such violence will not be tolerated? Freedom of religion is a right laid down in the country's Constitution - it is time this was made a reality,' Amnesty International said.
Background Ahmadis are considered heretical by orthodox Muslims in Pakistan but see themselves as Muslim. The Ahmadiyya community was declared non-Muslim in 1974 and a number of laws were subsequently passed which make it a criminal offence for Ahmadis to profess, practice and preach their faith. Dozens of Ahmadis have been charged with religious offences, including calling for prayers, preaching their faith or calling their place of worship a 'mosque'. Several have been charged with blasphemy under section 295C which carries the mandatory death penalty. This year in Sialkot district alone, criminal cases based on religion were brought against 23 Ahmadis.
Police investigation of some 20 killings of Ahmadis over the past seven years have been slow or did not take place at all; not one of the perpetrators has been brought to justice. Amnesty International has been informed that no police investigation has so far taken place into the killing of five Ahmadis in Ghatialian village on 30 October.
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© Amnesty International UK 2019. Amnesty International UK Section Charitable Trust. A company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (03139939) and a charity registered in England and Wales (1051681) and Scotland (SC039534). Amnesty International United Kingdom Section. A company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (01735872). Registered office 17-25 New Inn Yard London EC2A 3EA.


The U.S. presidential election continues to shake the market, and today the leading crypto, BTC, experienced a slight setback.
Today the price of the leading crypto, Immediate Edge, fell to USD 12,822 after the U.S. stock market was shaken.
Presidential Election Continues to Shake the Crypto Market
According to Reuters, today JPMorgan analysts said that the re-election of Donald Trump as president of the United States would be the most favorable result for the stock market.
It seems that this was one of the news that shook the market. However, the electoral risk is accompanied by a resurgence of the daily cases of COVID-19 while the economic stimulus negotiations are not showing results.
Thus the Dow Jones closed with a 650-point drop, after having fallen to 965 points. Likewise, the S&P 500 closed with a 1.9% drop.
Meanwhile, the price of Bitcoin also reacted with the stock market and fell up to 1.7%, before recovering to USD 13,000. In other words, the leading crypto managed to hold on to its key levels and recover slightly from the market’s shock.
Bitcoin’s appreciation is unstoppable, says analyst
Institutional investors take over leading crypto
Today, Glassnode published some data that seems to indicate that institutional investors are certainly taking over Bitcoin.
The Glassnode tweet reveals that the total number of Bitcoin addresses with a balance of more than $1 million has exceeded $20,000, a level we haven’t seen since January 2018. Also, the firm’s data reveals that the total number of Bitcoin addresses with more than 1,000 BTC reached 2,231.
Another aspect to keep in mind is that, as we reported from CryptoTrend, during the past week the whales accumulated BTC.
What have Bitcoin whales been doing while BTC is reaching its annual high?
A $3 commission for transferring $1 billion? Only possible with Bitcoin
Whale Alert identified this morning that they moved in two transactions totaling over $1.1 billion in Bitcoin with a total commission of $3.54.
The transactions were made from a Xapo wallet and went to two unknown crypto addresses.
Novogratz: Bitcoin’s use as a store of value is predominant
New Draft IRS Form 1040 for Crypto
The new draft of the U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) Form 1040 was published, clarifying which holdings and crypto transactions should be disclosed.
Basically, now individuals will be able to specify if during the year they kept their cryptomoney without being transferred out of their own wallets or without being sold.


BEIJING: Chinese factory activity contracted in September for the first time since the height of its initial COVID-19 outbreak in February 2020, official data showed on Thursday (Sep 30), as it faces waves of power outages and fears for the real estate sector.
The purchasing managers' index (PMI) - a key gauge of manufacturing activity in the world's second-largest economy - slipped to 49.6 from 50.1 in August, the National Bureau of Statistics said.
Any figure below the 50-point mark represents contraction, while above it indicates growth.
It is the first time China's PMI has contracted since COVID-19 first began spreading around the country, forcing the government to impose lockdowns that led factories to shut and battered the world's number two economy.
But now authorities are struggling to tackle an energy crunch caused by tight coal supplies and sky-high prices, leading to factory suspensions and power blackouts in at least 17 provinces in recent months.
Related:
China power crunch slams factories as coal lobby warns 'not optimistic' on supply
The growing power crisis, exacerbated by local government restrictions on factories to cut energy use, has led some major banks to lower their annual growth forecast for China, while there are also concerns about the impact on supply chains for global firms such as Apple and Tesla.
NBS senior statistician Zhao Qinghe said the PMI fell below the threshold because of "the relatively low prosperity of energy-intensive industries".
Julian Evans-Pritchard of Capital Economics warned: "Industry looks set for further weakness given that property construction is in the early stages of structural slowdown, power rationing may persist for some time and exports are likely to drop back as global consumption patterns normalise."
The figure was slightly below the forecast of Bloomberg analysts, who expected a small rebound after successfully containing recent coronavirus outbreaks.
While China's economy has largely bounced back from the initial blow of the pandemic, multiple outbreaks in the summer hit domestic tourism and manufacturing as fresh containment measures and lockdowns were introduced in swathes of the country.
As a result, China's non-manufacturing PMI - which measures activity in construction and services - shrank in August for the first time since the pandemic began, but rebounded back to growth in September.
Related:
Commentary: Evergrande woes show China’s overreliance on property market for growth
Default fears around Chinese real estate giant Evergrande - bogged down in a US$300 billion debt quagmire - have also hit consumer confidence, as the government tries to stop financial risk from spilling over into the rest of the property sector.
Zhiwei Zhang, chief economist at Pinpoint Asset Management, said the weak PMI would serve as an "alarm" for the government.
"Economic growth in Q4 will likely slow further without a change of government policies, and the pace of slowdown may pick up," he said.
Source: AFP/dv
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State Senator Zellnor Myrie was pepper-sprayed in Brooklyn last Friday by the NYPD. Myrie introduced legislation earlier this year to change the NYPD disciplinary process. NY Senate Media Services
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By Zach Williams
| June 5, 2020
By Zach Williams
June 5, 2020
Criminal justice
Police Brutality
NYPD
George Floyd
The state legislative agenda has been a roller coaster ride over the past 18 months. Last year belonged to the newly empowered progressive left, which won sweeping reforms protecting tenants, immigrants, victims of abuse and assault and criminal defendants. In early 2020, the political initiative shifted to the political center, with efforts to scale back cash bail reforms dominating state budget discussions. Then the coronavirus pandemic struck, and nonemergency policy issues were put on the back burner.
In early April, Gov. Andrew Cuomo and centrist Democrats ultimately teamed up to pass a partial rollback of bail reform in the state budget. COVID-19 might have become the overriding issue for the next two months, but even as the public health and economic toll mounted, issues linking public health, systemic racism and the criminal justice system were always bubbling below the surface.
“We have more black people dying,” said Assemblywoman Rodneyse Bichotte, whose Brooklyn district has been the center of the public health crisis and recent protests. “We have more black people losing their businesses. We have more black people unemployed.” Another turning point came on May 25, when George Floyd died at the hands of Minneapolis police officers – and a confrontation between a white woman and black birdwatcher went viral. “Then boom!” said Bichotte – and criminal justice reform once again became the focus in state politics.
This latest disruption in the political landscape is now giving state lawmakers an opportunity to pass a package of long-sought police reforms while also taking action on several political lessons learned during the pandemic.
Cuomo’s consolidation of power early on in the pandemic left state lawmakers mostly on the political sidelines until the middle of May, when Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie and state Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins announced – after drawing criticism from good government groups for their inaction – that state lawmakers would return to their normal work of passing bills and holding hearings.
This time around, the circumstances are much more advantageous to lawmakers. The governor has taken a wait-and-see approach to the protests, ceding some ground to lawmakers on addressing police reform. That is leaving an opening for a state Legislature led by two black Democratic leaders. The pepper-spraying by NYPD officers of state Sen. Zellnor Myrie and Assemblywoman Diana Richardson – two black lawmakers who introduced legislation earlier this year to change the NYPD disciplinary process – at a Brooklyn protest has galvanized support for their efforts.
“I’m hoping that my experience shows people that this isn’t some sort of made up grievance,” Myrie told City & State in an interview. “This isn’t a fake agitation. This is a deep-seated frustration with the system that has ignored us for way too long.”
While the 2019 debate focused on the pretrial system through changes to bail and discovery laws, June 2020 has unexpectedly put Albany on the cusp of addressing police reform. “It's unfortunate that it (took) the tragic murder of George Floyd for this to happen,” state Senate Codes Committee Chairman Jamaal Bailey said. “But I am heartened by the silver lining in such a dark cloud that people are starting to wake up and see that we need to change things.”
Legislative leaders have said that something is going to pass the second week of June. The top issue on the legislative agenda is a proposal to repeal a state law known as 50-a that allows New York City to shield police disciplinary records from public disclosure, a change that police unions have blocked for years through a combination of political donations and fiery rhetoric. They are hardly any more supportive on other bills that are likely to pass the state Legislature in the coming week that require courts to collect more data, a ban on racial profiling and codifying into state law the office of a special prosecutor to handle misconduct investigations.
A Democratic source told the Daily News on June 4 that the legislative package would include 50-a repeal and codification of the state attorney general’s role as a special prosecutor in cases in which a police officer kills someone, and that a ban on racial or ethnic profiling and a chokehold ban were also under consideration.
The measures were among around a dozen proposals under discussion as state lawmakers get ready to reconvene in early June. While there is broad support for many of them, the size of the legislative package is still a matter of debate. “We need to consider as many as we can,” said state Sen. Robert Jackson, who chaired a May hearing on how COVID-19 has disproportionately affected minority communities. Assembly Codes Committee Chairman Joe Lentol is urging a more constrained approach that would include the repeal of 50-a and legislation he is proposing to require more data collection by courts. “It might even be a mistake to try and pass everything we ought to pass at once,” Lentol added. Another key factor is likely to be the level of opposition that materializes against the reform efforts.
Like Cuomo sensing the political weakness of his own political opponents in budget negotiations, state lawmakers are now taking advantage of the sudden weakness of the traditionally all-powerful police unions. Groups including the New York City Police Benevolent Association played a big role in fueling controversy over bail reform earlier in the year, especially through fiery statements by leaders in the news media. That has now changed as public opinion gets behind reform efforts and past supporters, including state Senate Deputy Majority Leader Michael Gianaris, cut their financial ties to police unions.
PBA President Pat Lynch is still lambasting New York City lawmakers for their purportedly “cop-hating” agenda for threatening the department with budget cuts. “The legislators pushing these measures aren’t concerned about creating sound policy, just exploiting the politics of the moment,” Lynch said in a statement. Other union leaders are saying they oppose the repeal of 50-a, at least as currently proposed. “(We) understand that change is inevitable,” Thomas Mungeer, president of the New York State Troopers Police Benevolent Association. “That being said, we have always prided ourselves on being open minded and we are agreeable to having conversations to discuss potential modifications.” This is a far cry for just a week or two ago, when the very idea of passing police reform appeared unimaginable given the public focus on the coronavirus pandemic.
Cuomo appears to be eager to go along with some proposed reforms. Days after protests erupted in the state, he said he would sign a bill to allow the disclosure of disciplinary records. A four-pronged approach offered by the governor on Friday overlaps with proposals from lawmakers, including a ban on chokeholds and making false 911 calls a hate crime. “He sat on the sidelines and for some reason now tries to act like it is his agenda,” Mike Murphy, a spokesman for Stewart-Cousins, responded via Twitter. “He has no involvement in any of this,” he later added.
While the governor continues to back police – saying 99.9% of them are not a problem – the desire to get something done appears to be his top priority, as it has been before on various issues during his tenure. So he may be more open than usual to lawmakers’ various proposals, despite some differences on the details. “We have to review the package,” Cuomo spokesman Rich Azzopardi told City & State when asked about the lawmakers’ proposals. Just how much lawmakers can pass will only become known once legislative leaders announce the actual bills, which had not happened by publication time.
Another lesson lawmakers are recognizing is the need to act on their convictions. It is a simple idea, but hard to achieve at times. The early March vote on expanding the governor’s emergency powers illustrates the prioritization of pragmatic politics over their idealist notions of the relative powers of the executive and legislative branches of government. The state budget approved in early April, which included the revisions to bail reform, is another example of state lawmakers choosing between getting things done and sticking to their principles.
Two months after those compromise measures, state lawmakers have a chance to advance bills years in the making. On paper, there were enough votes to pass them months, if not years, ago. The sudden political shift brought on by recent protests against police brutality and institutional racism now gives them a chance to act. The state Legislature might even regain some of the glow it had last year when the newly elected Democratic majorities in each chamber showed what they could do when they rally around one cause or another.
That happened with rent reform and legislation allowing undocumented people to obtain driver’s licenses. It happened with the package of bills last year that eliminated cash bail in many cases and sped up the trials process. That period of reform waned by the time the 2020 legislative session began, but now criminal justice issues are back on the legislative calendar as the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic subsides.
With the political winds once again at their backs, the unexpected unrest is giving Democratic state lawmakers a fresh chance to prove that they can confront the biggest issues facing the state by translating rhetoric into action. “Don't just talk about it, don't just tweet about it,” said the Rev. Kevin McCall, a longtime Christian minister and civil rights leader in Brooklyn. “But show us with the gavel.”
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We have been closely monitoring information and recommendations from the CDC and NJ Department of Health about the COVID-19, Coronavirus. Even before the outbreak, our medical staff already used standard infection control practices. In accordance with current guidelines and recommendations, we have put extra protocols in place to reduce risk to our patients and medical staff members.
We ask any patient or family member displaying symptoms such as cough, fever, and/or shortness of breath, reschedule appointments until they are free from symptoms for at least 24 hours. We ask this of our medical staff members as well.
We are requiring all patients and visitors that enter the practice, upon reaching the front desk, to please use the hand sanitizer provided.
CDC recommends taking everyday precautions to prevent the spread of respiratory illnesses, including COVID-19 and influenza by doing the following:
Cover your coughs and sneezes with a tissue and then throw the tissue in the trash.
Wash your hands often with soap and water for 20 seconds. If soap and water are not readily available, use an alcohol-based sanitizer that contains at least 60% alcohol.
Avoid close contact with people who are sick.
Avoid touching your eyes, nose, and mouth with unwashed hands.
Clean and disinfect surfaces that are touched.
Take care of your health overall. Staying current on your vaccinations, including flu vaccine, eating well and exercising all help your body stay resilient.
Consult the CDC's travel website for any travel advisories and steps to protect yourself if you plan to travel outside of the US.


Anyone can learn a new language. Some people find it easier than others, but all of us can do it. People who can use two languages are bilingual.
Children can learn to be bilingual. They can learn two languages at home, at school, or in the community. Some children learn both languages very well. But sometimes they know one language better than the other. The language a child knows better is called the dominant language. Over time the dominant language may change, especially if a child doesn't use it regularly.
Speaking two languages is like any other skill. To do it well, children need lots of practice, which parents can help provide. Without practice, it may be difficult for children to understand or talk to people in both languages.
How do I teach my child to be bilingual?
There are a number of ways to teach children to speak more than one language. You can do the following:
Use two languages from the start. Many children grow up learning two languages at the same time.
Use only one language at home. Your child can learn the second language when he or she starts school.
Give your child many opportunities to hear and practice using both languages in everyday situations.
Will learning two languages cause speech or language problems?
No. Children all over the world learn more than one language without developing speech or language problems. Bilingual children develop language skills just as other children do.
What should I expect when my child learns more than one language?
Every bilingual child is unique. Developing skills in two languages depends on the quality and amount of experience the child has using both languages. The following are some basic guidelines:
Like other children, most bilingual children speak their first words by the time they are 1 year old (e.g., "mama" or "dada"). By age 2, most bilingual children can use two-word phrases (e.g., "my ball" or "no juice"). These are the same language developmental milestones seen in children who learn only one language.
From time to time, children may mix grammar rules, or they might use words from both languages in the same sentence. This is a normal part of bilingual language development.
When a second language is introduced, some children may not talk much for a while. This "silent period" can sometimes last several months. Again, this is normal and will go away.
What resources can I use to help my child be bilingual?
Books
You can read to your child in both languages. You can find the books you need at bookstores, at libraries, and on the Internet.
Audiotapes and CDs
Tapes and CDs in other languages can help too. Singing is a great way to introduce a second language to your child, and it can be lots of fun!
Videotapes and DVDs
Children's programs are available in many languages. These programs often teach children about numbers, letters, colors, and basic vocabulary.
Language programs
Children can also learn to be bilingual at language camps or in bilingual education programs. These give children the chance to use two languages with other children. Some school districts offer programs to help children learn another language from an early age.
If my child is having trouble communicating, should we use only one language?
In this case, it's best to talk to your child in the language you're most comfortable with. This is true even if he or she uses a different language at school. But try not to make a sudden change in your child's routine. This can be stressful.
Children who are having problems in both languages may need professional help.
What are some additional resources?
Colorín Colorado
International Reading Association
National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition
National Association for Bilingual Education
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Citations
Reprinted with permission from Learning More Than One Language (2008). Available from the Web site of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association: http://asha.org/public/speech/development/learn.htn. All rights reserved.
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For any reprint requests, please contact the author or publisher listed.
Major support provided by our founding partner, the American Federation of Teachers, AFL-CIO.
With generous support provided by the National Education Association.
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Colorín Colorado is a national multimedia project that offers a wealth of bilingual, research-based information, activities, and advice for educators and families of English language learners (ELLs). Colorín Colorado is an educational service of WETA, the flagship public broadcasting station in the nation's capital, and receives major funding from the American Federation of Teachers and National Education Association. © Copyright 2019 WETA Public Broadcasting.
Artwork by Caldecott Award-winning illustrator David Diaz and Pura Belpré Award-winning illustrator Rafael López is used with permission. Homepage illustrations ©2009 by Rafael López originally appeared in "Book Fiesta" by Pat Mora and used with permission from HarperCollins.


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Music
After A Few Lows, Blues Singer Kerri Powers Relaunches Her Career
By OWEN McNALLY
Special to The Courant |
Apr 27, 2015 at 12:20 PM
Blues and roots singer/songwriter Kerri Powers gives a solo performance at 8 p.m. Friday, May 1, at Middletown’s Buttonwood Tree Performing Arts and Cultural Center. (Jean Molodetz/IView Photography)
Drenched in the emotions of the blues, folk and country, the extraordinary roots singer/songwriter Kerri Powers uses her dramatically dark and beautiful, soul-shattering voice to mine the melancholy depths of romantic heartbreak and broken dreams in the edgy narratives of her songs.
A native of rural Massachusetts, Powers sings the blues with such authentic, downhome heat and grit that you might well think she's from Mississippi. Besides being a consummate chronicler of disappointment and despair, she can also morph into an impishly naughty rebel with a cause, a Mark Twain-like trickster whose wry words, dramatic sense of dynamics and supple phrasing can also celebrate joy and hope.
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As part of her high-flying campaign to re-launch her career, Powers, who is also a fluent, natural-sounding guitarist inspired by classic blues pickers, presents her warm, intimate, unaffected style in a solo performance at 8 p.m. Friday, May 1, at Middletown's Buttonwood Tree Performing Arts and Cultural Center.
"I don't think there is anyone out there who could say they never experienced melancholy, or down time," she says of her desire to connect with her audience through universal themes.
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"I write about what I know, what I've experienced. I just think there is so much healing in that approach. It's very therapeutic, both for the songwriter as well as the listener. I'm also a big believer in hope and being a rascal, growing old while retaining a devilish spirit. And I've always been that way ever since I was a little girl," she says by phone from her home in central Connecticut.
Right from the time she was a little girl growing up in East Taunton, not far from Plymouth, Mass., she was immersed in music, visual arts and literature, most deeply in her mother's rich record collection. For enchanted hours on end in her childhood, she'd sit in a rocking chair listening to and singing along with her mom's vinyl albums, from Joan Baez to John Prine.
Artistic expression, whether through singing, writing or painting, has always been at the core of her life.
Because her mother is a visual artist, painting was an early expressive outlet for Powers, who has exhibited her abstract works throughout New England. Most recently, she has shown at The Buttonwood Tree and at the Newington Library.
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Powers' father, a country music-loving lineman for a local power company, also had a large record collection that she absorbed, mesmerized by titans ranging from Hank Williams to Patsy Cline.
As a blues-struck, free-spirited but shy kid, she began taking guitar lessons from a fiddle-playing friend's father. Guitar in hand, young Kerri walked the railroad tracks from her home to her teacher's house where he unraveled the magical mysteries of slide guitar and the roots playing tradition.
Genetically, Powers' family's DNA pool includes ancestral talents in music and writing. It claims links to Bing Crosby, a distant cousin of her father, and, on the maternal side, the great American novelist Herman Melville. Her paternal grandmother, whom she describes as "a hoot," played accompaniment for silent films back in the day.
Verbally gifted and a voracious reader, young Powers was writing songs by age 9. Reading, writing and reflection are lifetime habits that seem to have sharpened her gift for writing spare, imagistic lyrics and concise narratives with a natural flow.
Overcoming Obstacles
Early on, she honed her performance skills with gigs at coffee houses locally and throughout New England, making an impression with her searingly soulful sound. As her career was getting underway, she set it aside to get married and have a family.
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When the marriage failed, she was deeply hurt, but managed to work her way back into the music scene. As her career was ascending, yet another setback occurred in 2010 when she was scheduled to appear with Lyle Lovett and other big names at the prestigious Strawberry Music Festival. Instead of enjoying a breakthrough, she experienced heart arrhythmia the night before she was to fly to the festival in California. The arrhythmia was corrected medically, and she has enjoyed a full recovery.
Her career, however, was once again sidetracked.
As part of her personal and artistic road to fulfillment after the trauma of divorce and her bout with arrhythmia, Powers moved to Coventry. There she sought peace and quiet in an 18th-century farmhouse, a woodsy retreat where she could write, paint, reflect and regroup.
"I just felt that all that solace would be good for me, and it was the first time I was completely on my own in years," she says. "Coventry was one of the most beautiful places. I loved the woods, and it was peaceful at a time when I really needed that."
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"I learned so much about my environment and surroundings," she adds, "as well as a lot of internal, soulful kinds of things. It was an incredible lesson, and that's when I started writing again."
That resurgence of creativity led to her powerful comeback release in 2014, a self-titled, memoir-like CD recorded at Eric Lichter's noted Dirt Floor Recording Studio in Chester. An elegantly spare, well-crafted gem, the 2014 album, her first release in five years, is graced with eight bright originals and two impassioned, imaginative covers--Janis Ian's "Jesse" and the Bee Gees "To Love Somebody."
Besides the triumphant CD, the rebooting of Powers' career includes ambitious touring, plus plans for an encore recording. At the top of her game, she's going full speed ahead, confident, happy and hoping for the best.
KERRI POWERS performs at 8 p.m. on Friday, May 1, at The Buttonwood Tree, 605 Main St., Middletown. Admission: $10. For more information, visit buttonwood.org or call 860-347-4957.
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